How do young people get land in post-land reform Zimbabwe?

Gaining access to land for the next generation is a struggle in Zimbabwe. There is huge demand as the last blog discussed, but there are very few simple options. Many young people have to cobble together different sources of land, perhaps waiting for a formal allocation or an inheritance.

We explored how people belonging to the two cohorts linked to the core households of our sample of A1 (smallholder) land reform areas in our Mvurwi, Masvingo and Matobo sites got hold of land. These are people now aged between 29 and 40, and 20 and 31 respectively, and in both cases trying to establish homes. 19% of men and 24% of women in both cohorts were farming as a primary activity (see previous blog), but how did they get the land to do so?

There were a number of routes identified. Some had land in their own right with a new plot allocated by a village headman, either in the communal areas or in the A1 resettlements or they inherited the plot from parents. Most cases involved relatively small areas of land, often far smaller than the formal resettlement allocations of 5 hectares of arable that their parents got at land reform. Many new entrants, including youth, have been slotted into the A1 areas over the years through informal allocations often in the grazing areas or bits of unallocated land within villages. Of those who had land the average size was 2 ha, ranging from 1 to 15 ha in one (unusual) case.

A second, and more common, route to gaining access to land was through subdivision of parents’ land. Many of the original land reform farmers are now in their 50s and 60s, or older, today and no longer wanting to farm their full farms. Allocation of plots to sons and daughters is now more common. Both male and female children are benefiting, as the standard pattern of land only passing to male children is abandoned in favour of offering all children options, especially those who are keen and interested in farming, which may be women. Girls, whose parents have land in the resettlement areas and subdivide, may come with their husbands to settle, again breaking the ‘traditional’ patrilocal pattern. As a later blog discusses, new institutions and ‘traditions’ are being invented to accommodate these new patterns of land demand.

A third way of getting land is through the market for land rental, lease or purchase. The growing land market in communal and resettlement areas provides opportunities for young people among others. Although purchasing land may be out of reach for many young people, rentals do happen. These may be through forms of share-cropping, or exchange of labour/draft power/farm equipment, as well as cash-based arrangements. Renting small parcels of land may allow people to get established, say with a small-scale irrigation operation or other ‘project’, so creating the starting point for accumulation.

Finally, there are some ‘schemes’ oriented towards encouraging young people to engage in agriculture, including allocated parts of irrigation schemes, broilers or ‘youth gardens’ established by ZANU-PF politicians (especially during election times), NGOs and others. New government-funded Village Business Units (VBUs) and Youth Business Units (YBUs) promoted by the Ministry of Finance, Economic Development and Investment Promotion under the so-called Rural Development 8.0 rural development initiative are being proposed. However, none have taken off yet in our study sites.

The tables below explore the mechanisms of land acquisition across our two cohorts.

Table 1a. How cohort 1 acquired land (percentages)

Table 1b: How cohort 2 acquired land (percentages)

The data show how by far the most important route to acquiring land is through allocation of subdivided plots by parents (plus a few via other relatives). Most parental allocations through subdivision go to male young people, but surprising numbers of females are also acquiring land through this route, upsetting ‘traditional’ patrilocal land allocation patterns (see later blog). Many women of course also acquire land (with their husband) when the husband’s parents allocate a plot to their sons. Some have also inherited land from their parents but, as we will discuss in a later blog, gendered and age-related patterns of inheritance are changing.

Relatively few acquired land via formal allocations through chiefs, headmen or local government, and perhaps surprisingly this was more important for women across both cohorts. The older cohort has a greater proportion of people with land allocated in this way as being older they are in a position to demand it. The same applies to engagement in land rental and purchase, although this remains a small percentage of the total and mostly amongst men. Land invasions (jambanja) had disappeared as a mechanism for the most recent cohort, although only involved a few of the older group.

Most land was accessed in the A1 areas from where the young people hailed, but there are an increasing number of young people looking for land in the communal areas. When those people who came from communal areas and joined the invasions moved onto the land reform farms, they often initially kept a home and farms in the communal areas. This was partly because they were not sure whether the land reform would persist, and the areas claimed would be accepted by the state. In part it was also because the new land reform areas had no services, and women in particular often stayed behind with children, older relatives and others in need of schools, health services and so on. Over time, the A1 areas have stabilised, and more services are available, and many of the communal area homes were abandoned. Some were reallocated, but many were left unused, or kept by a caretaker. Today, these assets are becoming more part of the calculation of households as people across generations seek land for homes and farming. In a few cases (see subsequent blog), young people moved to communal areas – to the original homes of their parents – to set up home.

Because of family tensions and conflicts, there is often preference for residential separation from one’s parents, siblings and other kin relations. For others, having their own land that they can bequeath to their own children is important. The following cases illustrate this.

Case 1: BM, Wondedzo, Masvingo

We do not have our own homestead, but we recently built a modern three-roomed house and a kitchen on my mother-in-law’s plot, which we share with my mother-in-law. I wish to obtain my own land because I now have male children. So, I want my own land that my boys can inherit one day when I die. My husband is the last born in a family of three boys, but one of his brothers passed away. My biggest motivation to gain access to my own land is my children, especially my boys. My mother-in-law acquired this plot own her own account as a widow in 2002. She came with her brother’s three boys (vanasekuru) and sister’s two boys, and all these boys are now grown-ups, and they expect to get some land to farm at the plot. These vanasekuru (mother-in-law’s brother’s male children) say whatever they want with regards to this plot. They say that the plot will be theirs when my mother-in-law dies one day. The offer letter for this plot is kept by vanasekuru. My mother-in-law gave them the offer letter for safe-keeping, in case that she dies one day. We asked them if we could have the offer letter, but they said “no”. So, we are not privy to her plans and thoughts regarding the succession of this plot. This is why we would want to have our own piece of land. Since 2011, when we had our first-born child, we have been trying to get our own land but it’s very difficult to get land these days. People are complaining that some new households are now being settled in grazing areas. We are planning to go and look for our own land in Nemakonde area in Serima Communal areas in Gutu, where my husband’s father hailed. We are compelled to do so because we want to sort out our children’s future. My husband’s relatives are in Nemakonde area. My husband’s father passed away many years ago, while the family was still living in the ‘reserves’. So, the homestead in Nemakonde is still there but no one lives there.  

Case 2:  SZ, Wondedzo Wares, Masvingo

This plot belonged to my mother-in-law who acquired it as a widow in the early 2000s. She had three boys. All the three boys are now married, and have all built their homesteads within the plot. These siblings also have some rights to the homestead and associated arable land of their deceased mother. As it stands, I cannot call this place ours. I want to have my own land, which my children will inherit one day when we die. I have three children, 2 boys and 1 girl. My husband’s brothers also have their own male children who would want to inherit some land one day. I have two boys; my husband’s brother has two boys; another one has two boys; the one in South Africa has one boy; while the other late brother has one boy. So, where is the land going to come from for all these boys? I am even considering going back to my natal home and build my own homestead at my late parents’ plot in Nyazvidze Purchase Areas if it was possible. I was born in a family of four girls, and grew up in Nyazvidze Purchase Areas. And both my sister and I are happily married. My father passed away a long time ago, and my mother left and sought land in the new resettlement areas. So, there is no one at the farm. My mother’s brother is currently looking after the farm. If it was possible, I would build my own homestead at my parents’ plot but people what will people say? In our culture, women are supposed to leave their natal home and move to their husband’s village where they would access land. So, people will say that I married my husband and moved into my family’s homestead (ndakaroora murume). Of course, this plot is now my new home. When I die, I will be buried here. However, the situation of my children pains me a lot. So, if it means getting our own land in the reserves, I will take it for the sake of my children. I do not have preferences, as long as the place has some water to embark in irrigation.

The land areas that young people have acquired are generally small (average 2 ha, range 1 ha to (unusually in one instance) 15 ha). In some cases, these are in different parcels spread between subdivided plots, rental areas, gardens on stands, riverbank plots and so on. The overall size of the resulting farmed area is far lower than the standard A1 land reform allocation of 5 hectares. The reason that there is more land available for subdivision, rental or purchase is that many original land reform residents have downsized. There are a number of reasons for this.

First, as noted earlier, the original land holders are now older and do not want to farm large, extensive farmlands. Some are sick or infirm and in some cases one of the original couple has died, leaving often a wife without children resident in charge of the farm. Without family labour and with no funds to hire in workers, extensive farming over several hectares is not an option.

Second, the resources for extensive farming are seriously constrained. Extensive ploughing is difficult as many livestock have died and tractors are scarce and expensive. Much better to focus on a homefield plot and farm it intensively, making use of small-scale irrigation or pfumvudza no-till systems on dryland areas.

Third, changes in the climate have pushed many to adopt a more intensively managed system, deploying water, soil and labour on small plots in ways not possible in extensive areas. Therefore because of the changing use of land, there is more available, which is now being reallocated to young people as well as other new entrants.

In sum, young people are getting access to land, but it’s not easy. It is mostly reliant on parents subdividing their land and allocating it to children, either men or women. In practice it also often means getting hold of small parcels, combining them in different ways, while focusing on a more intensive form of agriculture on smaller areas. As land availability becomes constrained in the A1 areas, some are again looking to the communal areas for options. The securing of land by young people requires persistence and innovation, often requiring the reinvention of ‘traditional’ institutions governing land. This is the focus of the next blog in the series.

Read more on the young people and land reform series:

• About the project: Zimbabwe’s Land Reform After 25 Years
• Young people’s experiences of land, livelihoods and migration in post-land reform Zimbabwe
• What do young people do and where in post-land reform Zimbabwe?
• The next generation is redefining what is meant by a ‘farm’ and ‘home’ in Zimbabwe’s land reform areas

This is the third blog in a series exploring young people and land in post-land reform Zimbabwe. The blog has been written by Ian Scoones and Tapiwa Chatikobo, with inputs from Godfrey Mahofa (data analysis), Felix Murimbarimba (field lead) and Jacob Mahenehene (field assistant), amongst others. This blog first appeared on Zimbabweland